Joiz

Joiz était une chaîne de télévision généraliste suisse alémanique commerciale privée à destination des adolescents et des jeunes (15-34 ans).

Joiz a commencé à émettre 24/24h en HD depuis le 28 mars 2011. Les concepteurs mettent en place l’idée de «Second screen» estimant que la majorité des jeunes regardent la télévision tout en étant sur internet. La chaîne permet donc le concept de regarder ses émissions en «cross media» tout en interagissant sur son site internet, sur le réseau mobile et les réseaux sociaux associés à la chaîne. La chaîne est financée uniquement par la publicité. Pour son concept novateur, la télévision a notamment reçu en 2011 un «Swiss ICT Awards» concernant l’utilisation des TIC au sein de ses programmes.

Le , la chaîne commence à émettre en Allemagne avec son propre signal, Joiz Germany, en direction du public allemand. La chaîne allemande emploiera à son ouverture 50 personnes, diffusera son signal via satellite et sera basée à Berlin.

Le 22 août 2016, l’entreprise JOIZ Schweiz SA est placée en faillite au tribunal des faillites du canton de Zürich.

Équipe dirigeante :

La chaîne a employé douze personnes à l’antenne. A sa fermeture, elle employait 75 personnes.

La majorité des programmes sont des jeux et des talkshows où les téléspectateurs peuvent interagir entre eux. La chaîne diffusait également des clips musicaux, des émissions consacrées à l’emploi des jeunes (Joizone Jobs), à la santé des jeunes (Joizone Health), une émission culinaire (Kochen mit Shibby) et une émission sur le cinéma (Cut) ainsi qu’une émission de téléréalité en partenariat avec la grande enseigne suisse Migros (M-Budget WG). Son émission „prime-time“ était Noiz, émission satirique qui s’autoproclamait la „meilleure émission du monde“.

Beaucoup d’émissions spéciales de la chaîne tournaient autour d’une identité visuelle d’un sponsor de manière détournée, des placements de produits, ou d’un concept tournant totalement autour d’un sponsor, ce qui a été pour la chaîne un bon moyen d’engranger des revenus, même si cela a pu être considéré comme peu éthique.

L’audience cible était les adolescents. Sur les 15-24 ans, à son ouverture, la chaîne prévoit de passer de 0,9 % – 1,2 % à 2 % – 2,5 % en deux ans. En 2015, elle ne communique plus que des chiffres sur les activités en ligne: comptes ouverts, visiteurs et suivis sur les réseaux sociaux.

D’abord diffusée principalement sur internet sur des plates-formes de diffusion ad hoc telles que Zattoo, la chaîne est reprise dans l’offre de UPC Cablecom fin 2011 à la suite d’une décision du Tribunal administratif fédéral en 2010 obligeant l’opérateur câble a reprendre le signal de Joiz en analogique et numérique. UPC Cablecom estimait que le contenu de la chaîne posait problème notamment du fait que des grossièretés étaient souvent prononcées à l’écran. Elle a été aussi diffusée sur les réseaux ADSL de Sunrise TV et Swisscom TV dans toute la Suisse.

Richard von Foregger

Richard von Foregger (27 June 1872 – 18 January 1960) was an Austrian-American chemist, manufacturer and Olympic swimmer. He was born in Austria, educated in Germany and Switzerland, and worked in the United States, where he invented and mass-produced several air regeneration systems. He moved to the US in 1902, obtained citizenship in 1910, and lived there until his death.

Richard von Foregger was the son of Richard and Elise von Etlinger. His father was a judge and later a senator in the Austrian Parliament. His mother was born and raised in Odessa, then part of the Russian Empire. She taught von Foregger some Russian, in addition to his native German and fluent French and English. He graduated from the University of Munich. There he trained in fencing that left lifelong scars on his face. He continued his education at the University of Stuttgart and University of Bern, where he defended his PhD in chemistry in 1896. He then worked for a British company in Russia on the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway. In 1898, he first visited the United States, where until 1900 worked as electrical engineer at the General Electric in Schenectady, New York.

In 1900, he returned to Europe and lived in Berlin. The same year he competed for Austria at the 1900 Summer Olympics in the 200 m freestyle swimming, but did not reach the final.

In 1902, von Foregger returned to US to work at the Medical Dioxide Co., in New York. There he first developed a method of producing peroxides of magnesium and zinc and then shifted to alkali peroxides aiming to use them for oxygen generation. In 1905, while working at the Roessler and Hasslacher Chemical Co., New York, he produced oxygen by reacting water with fused sodium peroxide.

He quickly moved from chemical experiments to life supporting systems. In 1906 he performed two public experiments, in which a person was sealed in a box for six hours, and a group of rabbits for 15 hours, without showing any breathing discomforts. Shortly thereafter he designed a portable oxygen generator that was tested by mountain climbers, long-distance runners and bicycle racers. In 1907–1909, he patented it and named Autogenor. Since Roessler and Hasslacher were focused on the production of chemicals and not interested in anesthesiology equipment, in 1914 von Foregger established his own production company.

Since 1907, von Foregger closely collaborated with the anesthetist James Tayloe Gwathmey (1862–1944), who introduced Autogenor to Henry Edmund Gaskin Boyle in 1913. Boyle ordered two such devices from the US and later built his own generator based on the Gwathmey-von Foregger design.

In the 1910s, von Foregger worked on improving oxygen generators, and in the late 1920s, he introduced the closed-circuit CO2 absorbers in the US. His later work spread into all kinds of anesthetic accessories, and by the 1960s, the products catalogue of his company contained more than 160 pages. In the 1950s, his devices represented about 15% of anesthesia equipment in the US hospitals. He was a keen proponent of the metric system into medical equipment, which is considered as one of his major contributions.

Von Foregger was an atheist and avid non-smoker. He married three times. In 1900, while in Berlin he married Elza. After her husband moved to the US, she returned to Berlin and their marriage was dissolved. In 1911 von Foregger married Dorothy Ledwith (1891–1981) from New York. They had two sons, John Herbert Foregger (1914–2005) and Richard Foregger (1912–2010); Richard was also a renowned anesthesiologist and wrote a detailed biography of his father. Von Foregger and Ledwith were divorced in 1927. In 1946 von Foregger married his housekeeper, Lillie Mae Holt (1900–1990). In the late 1950s, his mental condition deteriorated and he was diagnosed with paranoid psychosis, though this diagnosis was strongly contested by Holt. After his death in 1960, his company changed owners several times and was dissolved in 1987.

Flight of the Knife

Flight of the Knife is the second album from the Brooklyn area indie rock artist Bryan Scary and the Shredding Tears. It is the group’s first album as a full band, as the previous album The Shredding Tears had been a solo effort primarily composed by Bryan Scary. It was released on Black and Greene Records in April 2008.

Flight of the Knife is a concept album centering on the character of Airship Valentine and his mission to pilot The Knife, an airship referred to as „the greatest flying machine ever to take the skies.“ The album is also heavily influenced by Thomas Pynchon’s 2005 novel, Against the Day.

Named an „Editors Pick“ on iTunes, it was ranked the #6 rock album on iTunes and in the top 30 albums overall. Flight of the Knife received generally favorable reviews, many noting the album’s varied musical influences. Pitchfork Media stated that Flight of the Knife „sucks in all kinds of 1970s — the canonic glitter-rock of Sparks and Queen, the MOR pop of Wings and ELO, and the fleet-fingered prog of Yes and early Genesis — but its crafty construction betrays a staunch determination to make a whole decade of once-guilty pleasures feel innocent all over again.“ Allmusic notes the album’s improvement from its predecessor, adding „whereas Scary’s songs on the debut sometimes sounded like they were overtly indebted to those influences and predecessors, the far more cohesive Flight of the Knife is more like a patchwork quilt where some of the fabric scraps are immediately identifiable — check the Beach Boys-go-Devo pastiche in the second half of ‚The Purple Rocket‘! — but they’re arranged in a harmonious and unique whole.“

check out the top utility knives to get an idea.

Traditions of Texas A&M University

The traditions of Texas A&M University are a key aspect of the culture of Texas A&M University. Some of the school traditions date to the 1890s, shortly after the opening of the school, while others have been introduced more recently. These traditions encourage current students and alumni (Aggies) to cultivate the Aggie Spirit, a sense of loyalty and respect for the school, and dictate many aspects of student life, including how to greet others, how to act at an A&M sporting event, and what words a student may use in conversation. The most visible tradition among senior class students and alumni is the wearing of the Aggie Ring, whose design has been relatively unchanged since its introduction in 1894. Not all Aggie traditions are recognized by the university, and some, like Bonfire, have been discontinued for safety reasons. Texas Monthly states that the students‘ respect for school traditions and values is the university’s greatest strength.

Incoming students are generally first exposed to traditions when they are greeted with the official Texas A&M greeting „Howdy“. Since the 1950s, incoming students have been offered orientations, led by current students, which teach the various traditions, songs, and yells in current use. On campus, the Texas A&M University Corps of Cadets is known as the „Keepers of the Spirit“ for its staunch defense of Aggie traditions. A subset of the Corps, the Fightin‘ Texas Aggie Band, is the official marching band of the university.

Many school traditions revolve around sporting events, especially football. Before games, university yell leaders host yell practice, similar to other schools‘ pep rallies. Instead of cheers, students learn yells. Since 1922, students, known as the 12th Man, stand throughout football games, symbolizing their willingness to step in and assist the team. The official mascot, a dog named Reveille, is present at most official university activities, including sporting events.

Current students and alumni at Texas A&M University, nicknamed Aggies after the school’s agricultural roots, are known for their loyalty and respect for their alma mater. They cultivate „the Aggie Spirit“ through „an almost religious devotion to the traditions“ of the school, some over 100 years old. As Texas Monthly noted, „Every Aggie is a self-appointed guardian of the Aggie spirit, eternally on the alert for signs of slippage.“ To Aggies, Texas A&M is „not just a university but a…family,…defined and united by a unique culture.“ The school song is titled The Spirit of Aggieland, and proclaims in its first verse that the „spirit can ne’er be told.“

The Texas A&M culture is a product of the university’s founding as a rural military and agricultural school. Although the school and surrounding community have grown, and military training is no longer required, the school’s history has instilled in students „the idealized elements of a small-town life: community, tradition, loyalty, optimism, and unabashed sentimentality.“ This respect for Aggie traditions and values is the university’s greatest strength.

Many of these traditions are part of what Aggies call „The Other Education“, activities designed to make students well-rounded and „moral, ethical people“. Students who attend Texas A&M feel „that they receive ‚more‘ from Texas A&M than just the knowledge one acquires from the formal classroom and books.“ Freshmen are introduced to these traditions and to the Aggie spirit at Fish Camp, a four-day extended orientation retreat held during the summer. Current students organize and run Fish Camp, leading sessions on the Aggie Spirit, school yells, and other school traditions so that new students can „begin the process of feeling part of the extended Aggie family.“ Fish Camp began in 1954 as a simple camping trip involving several new students and Gordon Gay, a former Student Activities director. The program has since evolved to accommodate approximately 70% of incoming freshmen; over 5,600 Texas A&M students attended in 2008. The program has been emulated by several schools, including Virginia Tech. In 1987, Texas A&M established a parallel orientation for summer and fall transfer students called Transfer Camp, or T-Camp. Howdy Camp also serves as a campus orientation program. Modeled after T-Camp and Fish Camp, it is intended for freshman and transfer students who enter A&M in the spring semester. Students who choose not to participate in The Other Education are known on campus as „2 Percenters,“ because going to class is only a small portion of experiencing Texas A&M.

Many incoming students at Texas A&M choose to attend the campus because they feel that the students are friendlier than those at other universities. This perception is created partly by the Aggie tradition „Howdy“, the official greeting of Texas A&M University. Students are encouraged to greet everyone they pass on campus with a smile and a howdy. Howdy is the preferred method for a speaker to get a large group’s attention, as the members of the group are expected to return the „Howdy“ back to the speaker.

Aggies today will often end public addresses and emails to other Aggies with a hearty „Thanks and Gig ‚em!“. The „Gig ‚em“ tradition began at a 1930 Midnight Yell Practice held before the football game against the Texas Christian University Horned Frogs. In an attempt to excite the crowd, Pinky Downs, a 1906 Texas A&M graduate and member of the school’s Board of Regents, asked „What are we going to do to those Horned Frogs?“ Using a term for frog hunting, he answered his own question, „Gig ‚em, Aggies!“ For emphasis, he made a fist with the thumb extended. The phrase and hand signal proved popular, and it became the first hand sign of the Southwest Conference. Gig ‚em is also the name of one of the school yells, which is used during football kickoffs.

The university’s traditions council recognizes another possible origin for the expression. The word „gig“ is used in the US Army to indicate an infraction of the uniform code, and the A&M cadets used the same vocabulary. New cadets would quickly learn to fear being „gigged“ during inspection for having unshined shoes, unpolished brass, or a non-aligned „gig line“.

The most visible way for graduates of Texas A&M to recognize each other is by the Aggie Ring. The Aggie Ring is worn by current students and alumni, and is one of the most well-known symbols of the Aggie Network. The first Aggie Ring was designed by E. C. Jonas in 1894, and the design has remained relatively unchanged since- the only major change came when the school’s name was changed from the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas to Texas A&M University in 1963.

The Aggie Ring cannot be purchased unless specific requirements are met: a current student must be in good standing with a minimum 2.00 GPA on a 4.00 scale. In addition, the student must have completed 90 hours of coursework, including at least 45 hours at A&M. Graduate students may receive a Ring after 75% of their graduate coursework is completed. If your graduate degree requires a thesis, your Ring will be delivered on Aggie Ring Day if the thesis has been defended by the deadline set by the Office of Graduate Studies. If the thesis has not been defended by this date, the Aggie Ring will be held until the qualification is met. A Ph.D. student may receive their Ring if they have completed all formal coursework in the degree plan, has a cumulative GPA of 3.0 or above, has successfully completed the residency requirement, has successfully passed the preliminary exam, and has an approved research proposal on file. A Ring may be purchased upon graduation if a student, either undergraduate or graduate, did not meet these criteria while pursuing the degree.

The top of the Ring depicts an eagle and shield. The shield at the top of the Ring symbolizes protection of the reputation of the alma mater. The thirteen stripes in the shield represent the thirteen original states and symbolize patriotism. The five stars in the shield refer to the facets of student development: mind, body, spiritual attainment, emotional poise, and integrity of character. The eagle denotes agility, power, and ability to reach great heights .

On one side of the Ring is a large star, borrowed from the seal of the state of Texas. The oak leaves symbolize strength. On the other side of the Ring are a cannon, a saber, and a rifle, symbolizing Aggies‘ preparedness and valor in defending their land. The crossed flags of the United States and Texas symbolize allegiance to both nation and state.

Traditionally, students wear their Rings with the class year facing them to signify the fact that their time at A&M is not yet complete. At the annual Ring Dance, or at the end of the student’s collegiate career, the student turns his Ring around so that the class year faces away, symbolizing readiness to „face the world.“

Many students receive their Rings on Aggie Ring Day, which is held at the Clayton W. Williams, Jr. Alumni Center three times yearly. Aggie Ring Day is a special time for Aggies, their family and friends to celebrate being a part of the Aggie Network. The Association of Former Students gave out over 11,000 Rings at Aggie Ring Days in 2012.

For decades, though unsanctioned and discouraged by the University, an unofficial tradition among willing students involves „dunking“ the newly acquired Aggie Ring. The Ring is dropped in a pitcher of beer and the student chugs the entire pitcher and catches the Ring in his or her teeth. The Dixie Chicken, among other bars, has been one of the more popular venues for dunking Aggie Rings, though it no longer endorses the activity. Some students choose to dunk their Rings in alternative substances, including ice cream or nonalcoholic beverages.

In keeping with the idea that all current students and alumni comprise a family, Aggies have created two traditions to honor members of the Aggie family who have died. Aggie Muster is held annually to honor any current students or alumni who died during the previous year, while Silver Taps is held monthly as a special tribute to deceased current students.

According to the Houston Chronicle, „perhaps the best, most meaningful Aggie tradition of all is one you wish never happened.“ While students at many schools prize their individuality, „Aggies are all about unity and loyalty. When an Aggie falls, the family comes together to remember.“ This remembrance occurs annually on April 21 as Aggies observe Muster, a solemn event to honor current students and alumni who died during the previous year. Over 300 Musters are held around the world, with the largest taking place at Reed Arena on the Texas A&M University campus. All Muster ceremonies feature the Roll Call for the Absent. As the names of the deceased Aggies are called, a family member or friend answers „Here,“ and lights a candle, to symbolize that although their loved one is not present in body, his or her spirit will shine forever.

The first Aggie Muster was held June 26, 1883, seven years after the school opened. Rather than a memorial service, the event was intended as a reunion to allow alumni to gather and remember their college days. During the day, the alumni also established a „Roll Call for the Absent“ to honor their classmates who could not attend. In 1889, the gathering was moved to April 21 and became an official school holiday, set aside for the annual cadet track and field competition. On April 21, 1903, the tradition evolved into a celebration of Texas’s victory at the battle of San Jacinto. Gatherings would include field games and banquets so Aggies could reflect on their days in Aggieland.

The field day events were cancelled in 1922, although alumni were still expected to congregate annually for camaraderie and to remember their fellow Aggies. The March 1923 Texas Aggie urged, „If there is an A&M man in one-hundred miles of you, you are expected to get together, eat a little, and live over the days you spent at the A&M College of Texas.“ The event received worldwide attention during World War II, when 25 Aggies „mustered“ during the battle for the island of Corregidor.

Students who die while enrolled at Texas A&M are also honored at Silver Taps, a ceremony held, when necessary, on the first Tuesday of the month. This tradition began as a memorial for former Texas A&M president Lawrence Sullivan Ross. In the modern incarnation, on the morning of Silver Taps, a small card with the deceased student’s name, class, major, and birthdate is placed as a notice at the base of the flagpole in Academic Plaza. At 10:15 p.m., all lights on campus are extinguished, and Albritton Tower begins to chime hymns. When the music begins, students gather in silence in front of the statue of Lawrence Sullivan Ross at Academic Plaza. At 10:30 pm, the Ross Volunteers march into the plaza and fire a 3-volley salute. Buglers stationed at the top of the Academic Building then play a special rendition of Taps, known as Silver Taps. The song is played three times; once to the north, once to the south, and once to the west. It is never played to the east, „because the sun will never rise on that Aggie again.“ Once the buglers have finished their tribute, the crowd disperses. Generally, students remain silent until reaching their homes.

The Corps of Cadets (or the Corps) is known as the „Keepers of the Spirit“ for its staunch defense of Aggie traditions. The Corps is a link to the early days of Texas A&M’s history, when all students were required to be members and receive military training. Although Corps membership became voluntary in 1965, as of 2001 it was the United States‘ largest uniformed student body outside the service academies, with an enrollment of over 2,500 cadets at the beginning of the 2016–2017 school year.

Members of the Corps have served in every armed conflict fought by the United States since 1876, and over 225 have served as Generals or Flag Officers. Many members participate in ROTC programs and earn commissions in the United States Armed Forces upon graduation. As of fall 2012, the Corps is composed of fourty-six units formed under three Air Force Wings, three Army Brigades, three Navy and Marine Regiments, as well as the Fightin‘ Texas Aggie Band, whose members may be affiliated with any military branch. Among its notable units is Parson’s Mounted Cavalry, the only mounted ROTC unit in the United States. The Ross Volunteer Company, the oldest student-run organization in the state, is the official honor guard for the Governor of Texas. The Fish Drill Team, a precision, close-order rifle drill team composed entirely of Corps freshmen, represents the Corps and A&M in local and national competitions. They have won the national championship almost every year since their creation in 1946, and have appeared in several Hollywood productions with prominent roles in the movies A Few Good Men and Courage Under Fire.

Members of the Corps are often referred to as „C.T.s“ or „B.Q.s“. While these terms originally stood for „Cadet in Training“ and „Band Qualified“, respectively, they are more commonly and derisively used to abbreviate „Corps Turd“ and „Band Queer“. Freshmen in the Corps are required to „whip out“ to upperclassmen. This tradition requires the freshmen to extend their hand and introduce themselves to the upperclassman. From then on, they are expected to know the name of the person to whom they „whipped out.“ The tradition applies only to upperclassmen in the Corps, and not to „non-regs“, students who are not in the Corps.

One of a senior cadet’s „most cherished possessions“ are his Senior Boots. Only seniors are allowed to wear these knee-high riding boots, and most consider receiving their boots to be a rite of passage. All Senior Boots are custom-made to fit the cadet and are a dark tan to brown color. Students wear their Senior Boots for the first time after Final Review as juniors while saluting the outgoing seniors. Final review is the last activity that Corps members participate in as a unit. This full military review takes place at the end of the spring semester on Simpson Drill Field, and is in two parts. The entire Corps march past a reviewing stand, which consists of high-ranking military and university officials, for inspection. The Corps then returns to their dorms to change into the uniforms they will wear the following year, with the juniors donning their Senior Boots. The freshmen, sophomores, and juniors then march in formation past the reviewing stand, which is now filled with the senior cadets, saluting their former leaders.

The Fightin‘ Texas Aggie Band (also known as The Noble Men of Kyle, The Pulse of Aggieland or the Aggie Band) is the official marching band of Texas A&M University. Composed of over 400 men and women from the school’s Corps of Cadets, it is the largest military marching band in the world. The band’s complex straight-line marching maneuvers are performed exclusively to traditional marches. Some of these maneuvers are so complex, some computer programs used to create marching drills say they cannot be performed because they require two people to be in the same place at the same time.

Since its inception in 1894, its members, known as BQs (for Band Qualified or Band Queer), eat together, sleep in the same dormitories, and practice up to 40 hours per week on top of a full academic schedule. The Aggie Band performs at all home football games, some away games, and university and Corps functions throughout the year. Other events in which the band participated include inauguration parades for many United States Presidents and Texas Governors, major annual parades across the country, and the dedication ceremony for the George H. W. Bush Presidential Library.

Aggie football fans call themselves the 12th Man, meaning they are there to support the 11 players on the field. To further symbolize their „readiness, desire, and enthusiasm“, the entire student body stands throughout the game. In a further show of respect, the students step „off the wood“ (step off of the bleachers onto the concrete) whenever a player is injured or when the band plays the Aggie War Hymn or The Spirit of Aggieland. At the end of the Aggie War Hymn, fans sway back and forth, causing the upper deck of the stadium to move. The Aggie War Hymn was named the No. 1 college fight song by USA Today in 1997.

The 12th Man tradition began in Dallas on January 2, 1922, at the Dixie Classic, the forerunner of the Cotton Bowl Classic. A&M played defending national champion Centre College in the first postseason game in the southwest. In this hard-fought game, which produced national publicity, an underdog Aggie team was slowly defeating a team which had allowed fewer than six points per game. The first half produced so many injuries for A&M, Coach D. X. Bible feared he would not have enough men to finish the game. At that moment, he called into the Aggie section of the stands for E. King Gill, a student who had left football after the regular season to play basketball. Gill, who was spotting players for a Waco newspaper and was not in football uniform, donned the uniform of injured player Heine Weir and stood on the sidelines to await his turn. Although he did not actually play in the game, his readiness to play symbolized the willingness of all Aggies to support their team to the point of actually entering the game. When the game ended in a 22-14 Aggie victory, Gill was the only man left standing on the sidelines for the Aggies. Gill later said, „I wish I could say that I went in and ran for the winning touchdown, but I did not. I simply stood by in case my team needed me.“ A statue of E. King Gill stands to the north of Kyle Field to remind Aggies of their constant obligation to preserve the spirit of the 12th Man.

In the 1980s, the tradition was expanded as coach Jackie Sherrill created the 12th Man squad. Composed solely of walk-on (nonscholarship) players, the squad would take the field for special teams performances. This squad only allowed one kick return for a touchdown by Texas Tech’s Rodney Blackshear. Sherrill’s successor, R. C. Slocum, amended the tradition in the 1990s to allow one walk-on player, wearing the No. 12 jersey, to take the field for special teams plays. The player is chosen based on the level of determination and hard work shown in practices. Coach Dennis Franchione continued Slocum’s model, while also keeping an all-walk-on kickoff team that played three times in the 2006 season.

12th Man Towel The 12th Man Towel was created in the fall of 1985 by Rusty Riley and Kyle Harris, then president and vice president of the 12th Man Student Aggie Club, respectively, with the help of Gary Leach and Larry Leach, then club secretary and treasurer. The concept was presented to the Aggie Club faculty managers Harry Green Jr., executive director of the 12th Man Foundation, and Jackie Sherrill, Texas A&M University athletic director and head football coach. Once their approval was given, Rusty and Kyle found a manufacturer in New York City through a local distributor in Bryan, Texas, and authorization was given to sell the towels on campus by school management and Chic Sell, who had the concession rights in Kyle Field. The first 1,000 towels were purchased and delivered in time for the first home game of the 1985 college football season. Kyle and Rusty, along with a handful of Aggie Club members, sold the towels for $2 each in makeshift booths at strategic locations within Kyle Field. It was an immediate success, with all towels being sold at the first game. The A&M Yell Squad initially resisted the towels, claiming the Aggie Club was breaking tradition, but the Battalion staff supported the concept and began a successful selling and media campaign to help the towel gain acceptance throughout the A&M student body. Rusty worked with the Head Yell Leader on accepting the towel and once the Yell Squad accepted it, a press conference was held with Rusty, Coach Sherrill, and the Head Yell Leader. As the football season carried on, the 12th Man Towel continued selling in large quantities. The Aggie Club hired students to sell the towels at the MSC and on Aggie Club property, which at the time was located right outside of the main entrance to Kyle Field. The towel also gained an important supporting cast when Coach Sherrill’s 12th man kick-off team squad began carrying them to motivate the student body in the stands. The 1985 regular college football season ended with a home game versus the Texas Longhorns. At that game, a sea of white 12th Man Towels filled the stadium, cheering the Aggies to a 42-10 victory. The Aggies went on to win the Southwest Conference Title and defeat Auburn in the Cotton Bowl on January 1, 1986, with the 12th Man Towels proudly displayed to a national audience. During the 1988 Cotton Bowl Classic, which A&M played against Notre Dame, another towel was a point of contention. Twice during that game, Warren Barhorst, a member of Sherrill’s 12th Man Kickoff Team, tackled Heisman Trophy winner Tim Brown, and then grabbed Brown’s towel and waved it over his head. An infuriated Brown tackled Barhorst, earning himself a 15-yard unsportsman-like conduct penalty.

Because the students are always waiting for the opportunity to support their team, they are also willing to take the credit for the team’s good deeds. A popular Aggie tradition is that „when the team scores, everybody scores“. Whenever the Aggies score points during the game, students kiss their dates.

Seniors wearing either their Senior Boots or Aggie Rings are also encouraged to join the „Boot Line“. As the Fightin‘ Texas Aggie Band leaves the field after their half-time performances, seniors line up at the south end of Kyle Field to welcome the team back onto the field for the second half.

Unlike many schools, which have a large group of cheerleaders to rally their fans during sporting events, Texas A&M has five student Yell Leaders. Consisting of three seniors and two juniors, historically all male, the Yell Leaders are elected to their positions annually by the student body. These students do not perform gymnastic feats, but instead use hand signals, known as „pass backs“, to direct and intensify crowds. After the signals are passed through the crowd, the Yell Leaders give the signal to „hump it“, where the crowd leans forward and places their hands on their knees to maximize the noise. The Yell Leaders have a dozen yells that they can choose from depending on the situation. While some yells are designed to praise and motivate the team, others exist solely to make fun of the opposing side.

Students practice the yells at Midnight Yell Practice. Held at Kyle Field at midnight the night before a football game, Midnight Yell is similar to a pep rally. Over 20,000 Aggies attend each session, practicing the yells that will be used in the following day’s game and generating an excitement for the game. At the conclusion of the yell practice, the stadium lights are extinguished and fans kiss their dates. This is also done as practice, because Aggies are expected to „mug down“, or kiss their dates, every time the football team scores on the field. Sports Illustrated named Midnight Yell as one of the „100 Things You Gotta Do Before You Graduate.“

Aggies practice their yells again after each football game. If the team is victorious, the freshmen in the Corps of Cadets capture the Yell Leaders on Kyle Field and march them across campus to be dunked in Fish Pond. The wet Yell Leaders then make their way to the YMCA Building, where the Fightin‘ Texas Aggie Band and members of the crowd join them for a short yell practice in preparation for the next week’s game. If the team is „outscored“ or „runs out of time“ (Aggies never lose), a mini-Yell Practice is held in Kyle Field before the crowd disperses.

The most well-known Aggie yell is the simple „Beat the Hell Outta“ the opposing school. In writing, this is often abbreviated as BTHO. For the annual game against the University of Texas at Austin (no longer played after A&M’s 2012 move to the Southeastern Conference), students yell „Beat the Hell Outta t.u.“ Booing is strongly discouraged, and an upset Aggie will instead hiss their opponents or the referees. If a referee call is especially egregious in the minds of the Aggies, the Yell Leaders will call for the „Horse Laugh,“ a yell that ends with a stadium wide hissing.

After each yell, students make a noise and a hand motion that is known as a wildcat. Each class has a separate wildcat, and students caught „pulling out,“ or using the wildcat of a higher class, are often forced to do pushups as punishment. Freshmen raise their hands above their heads and yell „AAAA“. Sophomores, symbolically pushing back on the seniors, chant „A!“ five times, waving their hands up and down in front of the torso with their index fingers extended and thumbs perpendicular. Juniors yell „A! A! A! Whoop!“ wrapping their left hand over their right fist, with both index fingers extended and pointing towards the ground, „shooting the ground“ once for each „A“ and holding the position on the „whoop!“ As a symbol of their expert marksmanship, seniors yell a single „A!“ and then „Whoop!“ while interlocking their fingers with their index fingers extended and pointed into the air. At the same time, the left foot is raised and tucked behind the right knee. The fingers are interlocked rather than covering the right hand so that the Aggie Ring is visible.

Texas A&M’s official mascot is Reveille, now a purebred Rough collie. The first Reveille, a mixed breed dog, was adopted by students in 1931 after they found her on the side of the road. As of 2015, the current mascot is Reveille IX. She is considered a Cadet General, the highest-ranking member in the Corps of Cadets, and must be addressed by cadets as „Miss Reveille, ma’am.“

Reveille accompanies her handlers, members of the E-2 unit of the Corps of Cadets, everywhere, including classes. It is a long-held tradition that if Reveille decides to sleep on a cadet’s bed, that cadet is required to sleep on the floor. In truth, however, this only applied to the early mascots who were allowed to freely roam the campus. The contemporary mascots, certainly since the 1980s and likely earlier, are under the constant supervision of the Mascot Corporal and not allowed to freely roam about the cadet’s quarters. Another tradition is that if she chooses to bark in class, that session is cancelled. Upon the death of a current or former mascot, a full military funeral is held at Kyle Field, which usually attracts several thousand mourners.

Texas A&M also has an unofficial mascot, Ol‘ Sarge, who is displayed only in graphics. Ol‘ Sarge is portrayed as a tough-looking corps drill sergeant and is considered one of the many icons representing Texas A&M’s long standing military history. The drawing was first seen in the 1940s, when The Battalion ran a caricature of one of the Yell Leaders. That caricature, of a rough and tough military man, quickly became used throughout campus.

The Corps of Cadets marks any Aggie scores during football games by firing The Spirit of ’02, a 3-inch M1902 field gun 3-inch (76 mm). Issued to Field Artillery Units of the Reserve Officers‘ Training Corps between the World Wars, the gun was believed to be one of several that were hidden by Corps members to prevent them from being scrapped during WWII. The Spirit of ’02 was found buried in a ditch by students cutting wood for the annual Aggie Bonfire in the fall of 1974. Only the rusted steel rims from the wooden wheels were showing above ground. Students mounted antique wagon wheels on the axles and brought the gun back to a place of honor in the Quad. Cadets later restored the gun, which has been fired to celebrate touchdowns since 1984.

One of Texas A&M’s newer traditions is Maroon Out, which began in 1998. The football team had ended their 1997 season with a lopsided defeat to Nebraska in the Big 12 Championship Game. Kyle Valentine, Class of 2000 Junior President and a member within Class Councils, noticed how united the Nebraska fans seemed, all dressed in red. He proposed to Class Councils the idea to „Maroon Out“ Kyle Field for the October 10, 1998 rematch against Nebraska by selling a low-cost, high-quality maroon t-shirt. This resulted in the sale of 31,000 Maroon Out shirts, leading to a temporary national shortage of maroon colored t-shirts.

The Aggies defeated Number 2 Nebraska 28-21, the first time in six seasons that Nebraska had lost a regular-season conference game. The Daily Nebraskan noted that „A game that was dubbed a ‚maroon-out‘ for Texas A&M fans proved to be lights out for Nebraska. The fans dressed themselves in maroon T-shirts in an attempt to wash out the red and white that opponents have gotten used to. It worked.“

Since then, one football game each season is dubbed an official Maroon Out and discounted maroon t-shirts are for sale for fans. Through 2010, Texas A&M has been 7-6 in Maroon Out games, beating 6 teams ranked in the Top 25, despite being the underdog in each of the games. The basketball team has a similar tradition, called a „White Out,“ where fans are encouraged to wear white t-shirts.

Perhaps the most memorable Maroon Out moment was not maroon at all. After the events of September 11, 2001, five Aggie students wished to help honor America. They decided to ask the attendees of the next A&M football game, which would be held at Kyle Field on September 22, 2001, to wear patriotic colors. The colors would be divided by deck, with the upper deck wearing red, the middle deck wearing white, and the lower deck in blue. Within a five-day period the students had contracted with several printers to create special t-shirts which read „Standing for America“ and the date. Despite initial concerns about not being able to sell enough shirts to be effective, the students sold about 70,000 of these shirts, raising over $150,000 for the relief efforts.

Aggie Bonfire was a long-standing tradition at Texas A&M University as part of a college rivalry with the University of Texas at Austin, known as t.u. by Texas A&M students. For ninety years, Texas A&M students built and burned a large bonfire on campus each fall. Known within the Aggie community simply as Bonfire, the annual fall event symbolized the students‘ „burning desire to beat the hell outta t.u.“ The bonfire was traditionally lit around Thanksgiving in conjunction with the festivities surrounding the annual college football game between the schools.

The first on-campus Aggie Bonfire was burned in 1909, and the tradition continued for the next 90 years. For almost two decades, Bonfire was constructed from debris and pieces of wood that Aggies „found,“ including lumber intended for a dormitory that students appropriated in 1912. The event became school-sanctioned in 1936, and, for the first time, students were provided with axes, saws, and trucks and pointed towards a grove of dead trees on the edge of town. In the following years the Bonfire became more elaborate, and in 1967 the flames could be seen 25 miles (40 km) away. In 1969, the stack set the world record at 111 feet (30 m) tall.

While the Bonfires of the 1960s were constructed in five to ten days, working primarily in daylight, by the late 1970s a more elaborate construction schedule had been implemented. Construction began in late October with „Cut“, with several weekends devoted to cutting down the logs with axes. The logs were brought to campus during „Load.“ In early November, crews began „Stack“, a three-week period in which the logs were wired together and Bonfire took shape. Near the end of stack, known as „Push“, students worked around the clock in rotating shifts. Although between two and five thousand students participated in the construction of Bonfire each year, most of them were unable to devote themselves full-time to the task, and many worked only one or two shifts. While participating, the students wore „grodes,“ old t-shirts, jeans, and boots. By tradition, grodes were either not washed until after Bonfire burned or not washed at all.

In 1978, Bonfire shifted to a wedding-cake style, in which upper stacks of logs were wedged on top of lower stacks. The structure was built around a fortified centerpole, made from two telephone poles. Although tradition stated that if Bonfire burned through midnight A&M would win the following day’s game, with the introduction of the wedding cake design Bonfire began to fall quickly, sometimes burning for only 30 or 45 minutes.

At 2:42 AM on November 18, 1999, the partially completed Aggie Bonfire, standing 40 feet (10 m) tall and consisting of about 5000 logs, collapsed during construction. Of the 58 students and alumni working on the stack, 12 were killed and 27 others were injured. On November 25, 1999, the date that Bonfire would have burned, Aggies instead held a vigil and remembrance ceremony. Over 40,000 people, including former President George H.W. Bush and his wife Barbara and then-Texas governor George W. Bush and his wife Laura, lit candles and observed up to two hours of silence at the site of the Bonfire collapse. The Bonfire Memorial was officially dedicated on November 18, 2004.

Bonfire was postponed until 2002 to restructure it to make it safer. Delays in the development of a safety plan and a high estimated cost (mainly due to liability insurance), led A&M president Ray Bowen to postpone Bonfire indefinitely. Despite the university’s refusal to allow Bonfire to take place on campus, since 2002 a non-university sanctioned Bonfire has burned annually. Known as Student Bonfire, the off-campus event draws between 8,000 and 15,000 fans.

Every November, in the week of the football game against the University of Texas, the senior class gathers together for Elephant Walk. The seniors link arms and „wander aimlessly“ through campus. The University of Texas game was always the last football game of the regular season, so Elephant Walk has come to symbolize the end of the seniors‘ „usefulness“ to the 12th Man and the passing of the torch to the junior class. In a reference to Elephant Walk, seniors in their last semester of study are often called „dead elephants.“

Elephant Walk began in 1926, when a group of students decided to take one last walk around campus to remember their experiences at the school. Because they walked single file, with a hand on the shoulder of the person in front, an observer remarked that they „looked like elephants, about to die.“ The day now begins at Kyle Field with a yell practice and speaker, and then the senior yell leaders lead the class through campus. Leaders of the graduating class also announce the class gift at Elephant Walk.

Texas A&M provides many opportunities for students to participate in volunteer and service activities. Students at Texas A&M originated The Big Event, the largest one-day student-run service project in the nation. The annual event began in 1983 after the Texas A&M Student Government Association passed a resolution encouraging students to show their gratitude to the community by giving of their time. From its beginnings of six individual students wanting to contribute back to the local community, The Big Event has expanded to allow over twenty-two thousand students to participate in over 2500 jobs, such as raking leaves, painting houses, and trimming trees. The concept for The Big Event has spread throughout the nation, and as of 2015, 110 schools across the nation participate each year including 1 middle school, 2 high schools, and 68 universities. The 2008 Big Event attracted 10,600 students who worked a record number of 1,000 jobs.

Aggies also participate annually in Replant, a one-day environmental service. In 2006, 1,000 students participated, planting 250 trees in three public parks. The event has been an annual tradition since 1991, when the Texas A&M Environmental Issues Committee began planting trees to replace those that had been cut down for Bonfire. Although Bonfire has been officially disbanded, Replant continues. Its goals are now to beautify the Bryan-College Station area and to „creat[e] harmony between students and the residents.“ In 2000, the group planted twelve live oak trees at the Texas A&M Polo Grounds in memory of the twelve victims of the 1999 Bonfire collapse. That year the group was awarded the Community Forestry Award from the Texas Forest Service. The group provides their own trees, grown at the Texas A&M Riverside campus in Bryan, Texas and has its own Student Government committee.

The Corps of Cadets annually conducts the March to the Brazos, a 14 miles (20 km) round-trip road march that serves as both a ceremony to transfer leadership as well as a fundraiser for the March of Dimes. The Corps hold various fundraisers and solicits donations throughout the year. On a Saturday morning, generally in April, each year, all members of the Corps gather at the Quadrangle, near their dormitories, and march en masse across campus and down Highway 60 to Texas A&M’s Animal Science Teaching, Research & Extension Complex near the east bank of the Brazos River. There, the cadets learn who will fill each leadership position for the following year. The current seniors are allowed to ride a bus back to campus while the newly promoted cadets lead their outfits back to campus. The event is the largest and most successful student-run fundraising event in the United States for the March of Dimes. In its first 27 years, from 1977 through 2003, the event raised a combined US$1.3 million.

Many students believe that they will do well on exams if they make an offering to Lawrence Sullivan „Sul“ Ross. Ross, the president of Texas A&M in the 1890s, is credited with saving the school from closure. Affectionately known as „Sully,“ many believe him to be „the embodiment of Aggie Spirit and tradition.“ A&M legend states that Ross would often tutor students, and as payment would accept only a penny for their thoughts. At exam time his statue, located in Academic Plaza, is often covered in pennies.

Another spot in Academic Plaza is also believed to be lucky. Tradition says that if a couple walks together under the branches of the Century Tree, one of the oldest trees on campus, they will eventually marry. If the proposal takes place under the Century Tree, the marriage is supposed to last forever.

For much of its first 100 years, Texas A&M was a small, all-male, military academy. The school became coeducational in the 1960s, and membership in the Corps of Cadets became voluntary. In military tradition, privileges are meted out as one climbs the ranks, and Texas A&M has several such traditions. The most obvious are the uniforms worn by the Corps of Cadets. Corps members wear different uniforms for each year, culminating in the prized Senior boots.

Vocabulary is also restricted by class. Freshmen may not say the word Pisshead, a nickname for sophomores. Juniors are known as „Serge Butts“, so neither freshmen nor sophomores can say any form of either word (accordingly, words such as „button“ must be replaced with roundabout euphemisms, such as „circular fastener“). Juniors are also the first class to be allowed to say „Whoop!“ Seniors, known as „Zips“ for the black and gold braid on their garrison caps, which resembles a zipper, have reserved the word elephant and all forms of the words „death,“ „dying,“ „shoot,“ or „reload“ in reference to the traditions surrounding Elephant Walk. However, saying the phrases „pass away,“ „decease,“ „fire,“ „load again,“ etc., are all acceptable substitutes.

Students caught „pulling out“, or saying words that are reserved for other classes, are forced to „push.“ Traditionally, this means the students must do a „class set“ of pushups, one for each year of their class. The Class of 1945 did only 45 pushups and an extra pushup has been added for each subsequent year; the Fighting Texas Aggie Class of 2012 now does 112. Pulling out privileges of the class directly above is considered „Good Bull“, but pulling out two classes or more is „Bad Bull.“ Members of the Corps of Cadets generally take privileged words more seriously than non-reg students.

Швейцарский колледж Франклина

англ. Franklin College Switzerland

1969

частный

Эрик О. Нильсен (Erik O. Nielsen)

450

Лугано, Швейцария

Координаты:    

Швейцарский колледж Франклина (англ. Franklin College Switzerland, FC, англ. The American University in Lugano) — частный колледж свободных искусств (Liberal arts college), расположенный в Лугано, в итальянской части Швейцарии. Аккредитован Конференцией ректоров швейцарских университетов (CRUS) присваивать степень бакалавра искусств по ряду специальностей.

Швейцарский колледж Франклина присваивает степень бакалавра искусств по следующим специальностям:

Katy Gallagher

Katy Gallagher (* 17. März 1970 in Weston Creek, Australian Capital Territory) ist eine australische Politikerin.

Gallagher wuchs Weston Creek Distrikt von Canberra auf und besuchte die Melrose High School und das Stirling College. Sie schloss 1990 mit dem Bachelor of Arts in Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie an der Australian National University ab.

Sie war zunächst als Sozialarbeiterin beschäftigt und arbeitete mit behinderten Kindern. Von 1994 bis 1997 arbeitete sie als Anwältin für die People First ACT, eine Unterstützungsorganisation für geistig Behinderte. Gallagher beteiligte sich in der Arbeiterbewegung und war als Fallmanager und Veranstalter in der Public Sector Union tätig. Sie ist Mitglied der Australian Labor Party und war vom 16. Mai 2011 bis 11. Dezember 2014 Chief Minister des Australian Capital Territory (ACT) und somit auch Bürgermeisterin der Hauptstadt Canberra. Ihr Nachfolger im Amt ist Andrew Barr.

Follett | Kaine | Follett | Carnell | Humphries | Stanhope | Gallagher | Barr

Wilhelm Neumann-Torborg

Wilhelm Neumann-Torborg (born 24 August 1856 in Elberfeld; died 31 December 1917 in Elberfeld) was a German sculptor whose works are still well-known.

Wilhelm Neumann-Torborg grew up in Wuppertal, Germany, the son of a school headmaster. He attended evening classes at the Royal Provincial Vocational School in Elberfeld, where he received his first lessons in drawing and painting.

He spent the years 1874 and 1877 studying in Bad Kreuznach, in the sculpture workshop of the brothers Robert and Karl Cauer. He then further developed his craft in 1878 under Melchior zur Strassen in the Leipzig Academy of Visual Arts and until 1880 in the Academy of Arts, Berlin with Otto Knille and Fritz Schaper. In 1885, he won the Rome Scholarship from the Prussian Academy of Arts for his thesis, „The Judgment of Paris“.

In subsequent years, Neumann-Torborg lived and worked in Rome, where his wife, Emma Commichau, died after a short marriage. In 1892, the artist returned to Berlin. In 1917, he fell seriously ill and died during a visit to his hometown of Elberfeld. His tomb is located in the Lutheran cemetery in Wuppertal-Elberfeld.

Many of Neumann-Torborgs works were destroyed during the Second World War.

Perhaps his best-known work, the fountain „Faun and Nymph“, was commissioned by Baron August von der Heydt and originally stood in the park of his estate. It survived the Second World War unscathed and since 1909 has been on display in Bad Godesberg, Bonn. In 2013, it was restored and moved to a new location to permit greater public access.

Another relief of Neuman-Torborg’s, showing dancing youths with Bacchus, was installed in the Bad Godesberg city park in 2014. The sculpture includes a bench and a bust of Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius Probus, and was recovered in pieces from the van der Heydt estate.

The „Elberfeld Poor Relief Monument“ was destroyed during the war, when the bronze figures were melted down for metal. In 2003, the granite pedestal of the monument was rediscovered during excavations at the Elberfeld Old Reformed Church, and placed on display in Blankstrasse, Wuppertal. In 2011, it was restored thanks to 24 private donations. The bronze figures were recast at the Kayser Art Foundry in Düsseldorf. The statue commemorates the inauguration, in 1853, of the Elberfeld system of poor relief, which was copied by many cities in subsequent years.

Americo-Liberians

Americo-Liberians are a Liberian ethnicity of African-American, Afro-Caribbean, and liberated African descent. The sister ethnic group of Americo-Liberians are the Sierra Leone Creole people, who shared similar ancestry and related culture. Americo-Liberians trace their ancestry to free-born and formerly enslaved African Americans who immigrated in the 19th century to become the founders of the state of Liberia. They identified there as Americo Liberians. (Some African Americans, following resettlement in Canada, also participated as founding settlers in Sierra Leone and present-day Côte d’Ivoire.)

Later in Liberia, these African Americans integrated 5,000 liberated Africans called Congos (former slaves from the Congo Basins, who were freed by British and Americans from slave ships after the prohibition of the African slave trade) and 500 Barbadian immigrants into the hegemony. Unlike the Sierra Leone Creoles, Americo-Liberians rarely intermarried with indigenous West Africans.

The colonists and their descendants led the political, social, cultural and economic sectors of the country; they ruled the new nation from 19th century until 1980 as a dominant minority. From 1878 to 1980, the Republic of Liberia was a one-party state ruled by the Americo-Liberian-dominated True Whig Party and Masonic Order of Liberia.

„The love of liberty brought us here“, was the motto of some 13,000 persons who crossed the Atlantic to create new settlements on the Grain Coast of West Africa between 1817 and 1867 with the aid of the American Colonization Society. The early settlers practiced their Christian faith, sometimes in combination with traditional African religious beliefs. They spoke an African American Vernacular English, and few ventured into the interior or mingled with local African peoples. They developed an Americo-Liberian society, culture and political organization that was strongly influenced by their roots in the United States, particularly the country’s Southeast. Today, the Americo-Liberian population numbers about 150,000. Americo-Liberians were credited for Liberia’s largest and longest economic expansion, especially William V. S. Tubman, who did much to promote foreign investment and to bridge the economic, social, and political gaps between the descendants of the original settlers and the inhabitants of the interior. Most of the powerful old Americo-Liberian families fled to the United States in the 1980s after President William Tolbert was assassinated in a military coup.

Making up about 5% of the Liberian population, Americo-Liberians dominated national politics from the founding of the colony until Samuel Doe led a military coup in 1980. There is debate about how Americo-Liberians held on to power for so long. Some attribute it to the fact that divisions were based on „light-skin vs. dark skin“, particularly because the first president was of mixed race, as were numerous immigrants, reflecting the nature of African-American society in the Upper South. Scholars have noted, however, that during the Americo-Liberian reign, the leaders had an array of skin colors and African-European admixture, meaning that theory is unlikely. It is more likely they built their power on their connections to the ACS, familiarity with American culture and economics, and ability to create a network of shared interests. Others believe their long reign was in part due to the Masonic Order of Liberia, a fraternal organization, as opposed to colorism. A marble Masonic Lodge was built in 1867 as one of Monrovia’s most impressive buildings. It was considered a bastion of Americo-Liberian power, and was strong enough to survive the civil war. After years of neglect after the war the Masonic order has repaired the lodge.

In 1980, a violent military coup was led by Samuel Doe. Doe’s tenure as leader of Liberia led to a period of civil wars, resulting in destruction of the country’s economy. In the early 21st century, Liberia has been reduced to one of the most impoverished nations in the world, in which most of the population lives below the international poverty line.

While globalization has carried African-American culture around the world, Americo-Liberians reproduced their own cultural American continuity in Liberia. Its name means „land of the free“, and it is considered the most American of African countries in terms of its political institutions.[citation needed] The Liberian constitution, structure of government, and flag resemble those of the United States. The former residences of Americo-Liberian families were built in the styled of antebellum plantation homes they may have admired in the American South. Their language continued to carry elements of African American Vernacular English.[citation needed] By many accounts, Liberians easily integrate into African-American communities. Liberian immigrants to the United States have the highest passport acceptance rates and the longest extension rates of any citizens of African nations.[citation needed]

Although many of the Americo-Liberian class left or were killed during the civil wars, and their houses and monuments crumbling, ordinary Liberians look to the United States for aid. African-American leaders consider theirs to be a special relationship, due to the countries‘ histories. In 2007 BET founder Robert Johnson called for „African Americans to support Liberia like Jewish Americans support Israel.“

Americo-Liberians formed a cultural elite in Liberia. The following presidents of Liberia born in the United States:

Also one president of Liberia born in British West Indies:

All subsequent presidents were Liberian-born, though only one (except acting heads of state), Samuel Doe, is believed to be of exclusive indigenous heritage.

Körtingbrunnen

Der Körtingbrunnen ist ein Brunnen-Ensemble in der Fußgängerzone der Lister Meile an der Ecke Körtingstraße im hannoverschen Stadtteil List.

Nach dem Bau der U-Bahn und der Umgestaltung großer Teile der Lister Meile zur Fußgängerzone schrieb die Stadtverwaltung von Hannover einen internen Wettbewerb zur Gestaltung eines Brunnen aus. Im Ergebnis wurden die von Gerhard Bünemann geschaffenen, 1976 eingeweihten fünf Edelstahlfiguren auf getreppten Ziegelsteinrosetten installiert. Die Köpfe der Brunnen lassen sich bei laufendem Betrieb um 90° drehen.

Der Brunnen trägt den offiziellen Namen Körtingbrunnen wegen seiner Lage an der Körtingstraße. Im Volksmund hat sich der Name Pferdekopfbrunnen eingebürgert, da die Edelstahlfiguren den Eindruck von Pferdeköpfen erwecken. Gelegentlich werden die Figuren auch als Wasserhähne bezeichnet, wegen der Ähnlichkeit mit einem Hahnenkopf und ihrer Funktion, Wasser zu speien.

Koordinaten:

Clocher-porche de Mimizan

Géolocalisation sur la carte : Landes

Géolocalisation sur la carte : France

Le clocher-porche de Mimizan, dans le département français des Landes, est le dernier vestige de l’ancienne église prieurale Sainte-Marie, aujourd’hui disparue. Le portail est classé Monument historique en 1903, l’ensemble du bâtiment le 1er mars 1990. En 2000, l’Unesco l’inscrit au patrimoine mondial, au titre des Chemins de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle en France .

D’après une légende racontée dans le bréviaire de Lescar imprimé en 1541, l’église Sainte-Marie de Mimizan aurait été construite à l’emplacement d’un édifice religieux du VIe siècle, réalisé en hommage au martyre en ces lieux de saint Galactoire, évêque de Lescar, en 506 par les Wisigoths.

On imagine avec difficulté de nos jours que l’endroit est, jusqu’au VIIe siècle, un des ports maritimes les plus actifs de la côte atlantique. Au cours des siècles, il est comblé par l’avancée des sables et de la dune côtière, qui bouleverse l’ancien paysage.

Bâtie une première fois au XIe siècle, l’église est détruite puis reconstruite vers la fin du XIIe ou début du XIIIe siècle. Elle devient église prieurale puis église paroissiale de Mimizan. Devenue trop vétuste, elle est remplacée à partir de 1891 par l’église Notre-Dame du Bourg. Sa destruction, conseillée en 1887 par l’architecte départemental Maumen, est réalisée entre 1898 et 1899 par l’architecte Cloüet, épargnant seulement son clocher-porche, qui est de nos jours un musée et marque une étape sur la voie littorale du chemin de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle.

La Gascogne voit ses structures religieuses s’effondrer à la suite des invasions arabes et normandes des IXe et Xe siècles. Après sa victoire définitive sur les Normands à la bataille de Taller vers 982-983, Guillaume Sanche, duc de Gascogne, entreprend de renforcer son pouvoir politique en s’appuyant sur l’abbaye de Saint-Sever. Afin d’assurer son épanouissement, il la dote de nombreux biens, parmi lesquels l’église Sainte-Marie de Mimizan, qui devient alors un des nombreux prieurés dépendants de l’abbaye mère. Bernard Guillaume et Sanche Guillaume, tous deux successeurs de Guillaume, confirment cette donation en 1009 puis en 1012. La création de la sauveté de Mimizan date à cette époque. Ce privilège permet au prieuré de s’accroître durant le XIe siècle, jusqu’à devenir l’un des principaux édifices religieux du nord des Landes et de prospérer tout au long des XIIe et XIIIe siècles.

Vers 1010, des moines bénédictins détachés de l’abbaye de Saint-Sever viennent donc s’installer à Mimizan et construisent, près de la petite église d’origine, un prieuré. Il devient lieu d’asile et les limites de la sauveté sont matérialisées par neuf bornes. Au Moyen Âge, criminels et opprimés bénéficient de l’impunité à l’intérieur de ce périmètre : tout coupable étranger à la commune, dès qu’il a touché les croix des pyramides de sauveté, se trouve en sûreté tant qu’il demeure dans leur espace. L’un des objectifs de ce système est d’attirer et fixer des populations sur ces terres inhospitalières, afin de les mettre en valeur et assurer au prieuré et à l’abbaye mère des sources de revenus. Une des autres fonctions du prieuré, remplie pour le compte de l’abbaye de Saint-Sever, est d’encadrer le pèlerinage vers Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle sur cette section du littoral et servir de point d’étape. Il est en effet édifié à proximité de l’ancienne voie romaine littorale, localement nommée camin roumiou ou camin harriou (chemin frayé), empruntée par les pèlerins pour se rendre en Espagne. Cette situation assure au prieuré sa prospérité.

Vers la fin du XIIe siècle ou début du XIIIe, les moines entreprennent la reconstruction de l’église, devenue trop petite. Le nouveau bâtiment comprend un chœur et nef voûtés, un transept avec clocher à la croisée et le clocher-porche toujours visible de nos jours. Elle est dotée d’un magnifique portail sculptée où l’on sent l’influence d’artistes ayant travaillé dans le nord de l’Espagne. Le plus grand des deux clochers, celui de la croisée et aujourd’hui disparu, est recouvert de bois en forme d’ardoise et sert d’amer. À cette époque, il est en vue de l’océan, avant que ne s’élève et progresse dangereusement la dune (ou tuc) d’Udos. Quand la tempête met les bateaux en difficulté en les entraînant dangereusement vers le rivage, les marins voient alors surgir le clocher de derrière la dune. De là naît le vieux dicton gascon dans sa forme locale :

En 1790, il s’effondre par vétusté et manque d’entretien, écrasant le chœur et le transept.

Le prieuré perd de son importance et finit par péricliter en raison de la conjugaison de trois facteurs : ensablement, diminution du nombre de pèlerins de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle et disparition des roi-ducs d’Aquitaine.

Le prieuré est d’abord pillé par les troupes huguenotes de Montgommery en 1569, qui causent de grands dommages dans toute la région. Les moines bénédictins finissent par quitter les lieux vers 1650, pour des causes qui restent obscures. Les curés restés sur place n’obtiennent pas les fonds nécessaires pour effectuer les réparations qui s’imposent et le bâtiment finit par tomber en décrépitude par étapes successives.

Au délabrement s’ajoute une autre menace, l’avancée des sables. En 1778, la dune n’est plus qu’à 9 mètres du clocher-porche. Cette menace finit par être enrayée à partir de 1783 grâce aux efforts des habitants pour fixer la dune. La célébration du culte est finalement transférée dans la nouvelle église du Bourg en 1891 et la majeure partie du bâtiment détruite entre 1898 et mars 1899.

La restauration du bâtiment a lieu entre 1981 et 1986, celle des sculptures débute 1996, les peintures murales sont redécouvertes en 2000.

L’église faisait à l’origine 45 mètres de long, le chœur comportait treize autels, possédait une nef centrale à ogives primitives et deux bas-côtés transversaux. Il ne reste aujourd’hui de l’édifice que le clocher-porche, tour carrée massive en alios et en briques, s’ouvrant au nord, au sud et à l’ouest par trois arcs brisés. Le toit d’ardoise est surmonté d’une flèche octogonale.

Le portail, préservé à l’intérieur du clocher-porche, est un trésor architectural. Il se compose d’un tympan surmonté de trois voussures, d’une rangée de statues polychromes datant des années 1220, et enfin sur sa partie supérieure, de peintures murales datant des années 1460.

Le tympan offre une représentation sculptée de l’adoration des rois Mages. On y voit leurs montures, évoquant des rois-mages pèlerins, la Vierge à l’enfant, saint Joseph, en position de repos, la tête appuyée sur un bâton, et enfin un dernier personnage non identifié. Selon une hypothèse, il s’agirait de la sage femme de Marie ayant douté de sa virginité, à la suite de quoi sa main se serait desséchée, avant de retrouver son aspect d’origine après la naissance de Jésus. Le personnage montre la paume de sa main comme pour témoigner du prodige.

Trois voussures surmontent le tympan. La voussure interne représente les Vierges Sages et Vierges Folles, de part et d’autre de la Jérusalem céleste, la voussure intermédiaire représente les prophètes, la voussure externe représente les signes du Zodiaque et les occupations des douze mois de l’année.

Au-dessus du tympan, une rangée de statues polychromes du XIIIe siècles présentent dix des douze apôtres, situés de part et d’autre d’un Christ inséré dans une mandorle quadrilobée, typique du style espagnol. Parmi elles se trouve l’une des premières représentations françaises de l’apôtre saint Jacques le Majeur en habit de pèlerin, témoignage de l’importance de Mimizan sur la voie littorale du chemin de Saint-Jacques, et justifiant la distinction du monument par l’Unesco. Les autres apôtres identifiables sont saint Pierre grâce à ses clefs, et saint Paul grâce à son glaive.

Sur la partie supérieure, des peintures murales représentent des scènes de la Passion du Christ. Elles sont datées du XVe siècle, autour des années 1460. Cette datation est possible grâce à l’emploi de la perspective et des habits des bourreaux dans la scène de la flagellation du Christ.

Le clocher-porche stylisé figure sur le blason de Mimizan.

Vue générale

Vue générale

Vue générale

Monument historique

Patrimoine mondial

Le clocher-porche, vu du tuc d’Udos

Girouette du clocher-porche en forme de sirène, par allusion au dicton

Sculpture conçue par la plasticienne Evilo (Olive Javernaud) en 2005, matérialisant les 1000 km restant à parcourir avant d’arriver à Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle.

Borne de sauveté de Mimizan en garluche

Maison du XVIe siècle, la plus ancienne de Mimizan, ancien logement des moines du prieuré bénédictin

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